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EU Doesn’t Act at All like a Dictatorship

The question of sovereignty is settled: Europe’s nations lost.

I’m sure we’ve seen a European leader act like this before. The Good Oil. Image by Lushington Brady.

From even before the EU was formalised as a political question, one nagging question kept popping up: is the EU a sovereign body or not? This is not so pettifogging a question as you might think. In fact, it cuts to the heart of what has been the accepted order since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648: national sovereignty.

To explain the issue, first consider what sovereignty means: the sole, supreme and indivisible law-making power within a defined territory. Now it should be immediately clear where the issue is. If individual EU states are sovereign, then the EU cannot be. If the EU is sovereign, then its member states no longer are. Remember: sole, supreme and indivisible law-making power within a defined territory. If Brussels can override the laws of France, Germany or even Malta, then those nations are no longer sovereign, because they are clearly no longer the supreme law-making power within their borders.

For 30 years, Brussels has hand-waved away these questions. Now we know why: because the EU has arrogated sovereignty to itself. Worse, it’s asserting its supreme law-making power with all the high-handedness of a Sun King. L'État, c'est nous.

The Nazis sold their unbridled power grab as creating a “United States of Europe”. The EU is finishing the job and not behaving at all like a fascist dictatorship while they do it.

Just ask the Poles. Oddly, the legacy media have been almost uniformly silent over the constitutional crisis gripping Poland. A crisis which looks like little more than an attempted coup run from Brussels.

The heart of the crisis is the Constitutional Tribunal. Who declared that this tribunal was not an independent tribunal? The Court of Justice of the European Union, on December 18, 2025, seized by the European Commission. Why had the commission attacked it? Because in 2021, this tribunal had dared to say that the Polish Constitution took precedence over European law. Tusk’s justice minister said it himself: this ruling “obliges” the Polish state to act. Brussels didn’t send the police to the tribunal. Brussels signed the permit.

At best, the legacy media, Brussels’ lapdogs, might mumble something about their big, bad bogeyman Viktor Orban, but that’s an irrelevant attempt at post-facto justification. The only question that matters is sovereignty. When the people of a supposedly sovereign nation vote, the result should be the result, whether Brussels likes it or not. But when Brussels doesn’t like the way the people of a nation vote, the people get sent to the naughty corner until they comply.

When a people says no, you make them revote or you bypass them. Denmark rejects Maastricht in 1992: you make them revote in 1993. Ireland rejects the Nice Treaty in 2001: you make them revote in 2002. France and the Netherlands reject the European Constitution in 2005: it comes back in 2007 under the name of the Lisbon Treaty, without a referendum. Ireland rejects Lisbon in 2008: you make them revote in 2009. The Netherlands reject the association agreement with Ukraine in 2016: it’s ratified anyway. Greece votes no at 61 per cent on the troika’s plan in July 2015: eight days later, it signs an even harsher plan. Six peoples, six nos, none held. In 30 years, a no has never been an answer. Just a draft.

When a government displeases, you cut the money. Poland’s European funds are frozen under PiS. Tusk arrives: unlocked in two months. Hungary’s funds are frozen under Orbán, 17 billion euros. Orbán loses on April 12, 2026: agreement to unlock more than 16 billion by the end of May, seven weeks later. Same treaties, same country, same money. Only the government changed.

And so it goes.

They don’t even bother hiding it. Ursula von der Leyen, a blonde Mussolini in a pantsuit, made clear what would happen if a right-wing party wins an election. ‘Ve hev tools,’ she smugly asserts, with all the democratic spirit of a Bond villain.

This is not a conspiracy: it’s the standard operating procedure of Brussels. When the voters of Romania recently looked as though they might elect a nationalist to the presidency, the Constitutional Court simply scrapped the election days before the runoff. The candidate correctly called it “practically a formalised coup d’état”.

The machinery of the EU operates as an enlightened vanguard – a secular priesthood that possesses the exclusive right to interpret the ‘rule of law’. Always to suit itself. When Poland’s Tusk government decided to bypass the constitution and force judges out of the tribunal with police escorts, it wasn’t an assault on democracy; it was, according to the man himself: “Restoring the rule of law… There is no other way.”

Much like the Reichstag Fire Decree did.

The ‘rule of law’ in this context is tautological: it’s whatever the commission says it is. And when the commission is challenged, it deploys the Digital Services Act: a piece of Orwellian legislation designed to prune ‘disinformation’ from the public square. What is ‘disinformation’? Whatever the Ministry of Truth says it is.

When Elon Musk’s X refused to play ball, the commission hit it with a fine that would make a tax collector blush. It is a system of total information control, where dissent is not merely wrong – it is a systemic risk to the European project itself.

The ideology is not hidden: it is cited in the European Parliament’s own resolutions. The Ventotene Manifesto, that 1941 fever dream of former communist Altiero Spinelli, which calls for the socialist revolution to abolish private property, is the founding scripture of this new order.

When Giorgia Meloni read these passages before the Italian Parliament in March 2025, the left cried scandal. Yet the fact-checkers had to admit it: every sentence is indeed in the text. It’s this reference that the European Parliament chose to include in its 2023 resolution.

It is a method of control, managed from the boardrooms of Davos by the same people who sit on the commission, resetting the world one crisis at a time. They plan your car, your energy, your currency and your borders.

And if you find yourself confused by this, if you still believe that the ballot box is the final arbiter of national destiny in Europe, you have three possibilities: you are corrupt, you are stupid or you are finally enlightened.

The choice, for now at least, remains yours. Ne me remerciez pas.


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