Professor Anne-Marie Brady
Supplementary Submission to the New Zealand Parliament Justice Select Committee Inquiry into Foreign Interference Activities, 2019
- Part One: Magic Weapons
- Part Two: Leninist tactic
- Part Three: Soft Power
- Part Four: Making NZ Serve China
- Part Five: Why NZ is of interest to China
- Part Six: China’s relationship with the National Party
- Part Seven: China’s Influence on NZ Politics
- Part Eight: National & Labour Party links to China
- Part Nine: NZ Businesses with United Front Links
- Part Ten: Using NZ Politicians to support China’s Agenda
- Part Eleven: China’s Influence on NZ Media
As it has in many other countries, the PRC has made considerable efforts to shape how China is reported in the mainstream media in New Zealand. The National government’s “no surprises” policy on China is a reaction to this work. As they do in many other countries, PRC diplomats put considerable pressure on New Zealand academics, journalists, politicians, and other thought leaders who speak up critically on China-related issues.
In 2005, New Zealand Greens MP and Co-leader, Rod Donald, was blocked and surrounded by Chinese officials when he unfurled a Tibetan flag on the steps of the New Zealand Parliament when CCP senior leader Wu Bangguo visited New Zealand. In 2007, New Zealand parliamentary press journalist Nick Wang was evicted from a photo opportunity at a meeting between Chinese Vice Premier Zeng Peiyan and Labour Deputy-Prime Minister Michael Cullen on the instruction of a “Chinese intelligence official”.
In my own experience, in 2015, Chinese polar officials put pressure on the University of Canterbury, Antarctica New Zealand, the Christchurch City Council, and New Zealand diplomats in China regarding my unpublished research on China and Antarctica and a strictly factual comment I’d made to TVNZ on China’s interests in Antarctic mineral resources. It took the support of the University of Canterbury Vice Chancellor, Dr Rod Carr, who upheld the principle of academic freedom, to finally put a stop to this interference.
Some New Zealand journalists have been paid by the PRC embassy to visit China for reporting trips. Of course, it is a very good thing that the New Zealand media develop a better understanding of one of New Zealand’s top trading partners, but when someone else is footing the bill, it risks eroding journalists’ independence and credibility and creates a sense of obligation to the sponsor.
New Zealand government officials are also being sent to attend short-courses in China funded by the PRC government. Because China is so important to the New Zealand economy, becoming China-literate is essential for the New Zealand politicians and their officials. But the curriculum should not be dictated by China, or by fear of offending China.
In 2016, the CCP English language paper, China Daily, signed a deal with Fairfax Newspapers to have Chinese supplements published in Fairfax Australian and New Zealand newspapers. In 2016, Natural History New Zealand (NHNZ) signed a ten- year co-production agreement with China Central Television (CCTV) for joint film making and so that NHNZ could help CCTV get its content out into the global marketplace. At the time of the signing of these two agreements, the Head of the CCP Central Propaganda Department, Liu Qibao, travelled to New Zealand and met with New Zealand PM John Key. Liu told Key
“the Communist Party of China is willing to continue to strengthen governance exchanges and cooperation with the New Zealand National Party in order to promote the healthy and stable development of bilateral relations.”
The formation of a China-centred economic and strategic bloc.
As has been the pattern for many years, the New Zealand government was quick to sign up to China’s new policy on One Belt One Road. The Council for the Promotion of OBOR in New Zealand was launched in 2015. New Zealand was the first Western country to set up a body to promote OBOR. The New Zealand OBOR Council is led by former Mayor of Waitakere City, Sir Bob Harvey. John Hong (also known as Hong Chengchen) head of Investment and International Relationships, Panuku Development Auckland, at the Auckland City Council, is the chief executive officer of the OBOR Council.
Hong is closely connected to Fuqing City authorities and the Fujian Provincial government in China. The other members of the Council are national and local politicians of both main political parties and government officials. The Council has done much to develop links between New Zealand Maori and China, through business initiatives and cultural exchanges.
In March 2017, when Chinese Premier Li Keqiang visited New Zealand, the two countries signed a memorandum of understanding on the Belt and Road Initiative. New Zealand was the first Western developed country to sign such an agreement. During Li Keqiang’s visit the Oceania Silk Road Network (OSRN), the New Zealand OBOR Foundation, and the New Zealand OBOR Think Tank were launched. The Oceania Silk Road Network, aimed at looking for opportunities for New Zealand companies on Oceania OBOR projects and is led by William Zhao, director and CEO of Yashili New Zealand Dairy Company. The New Zealand OBOR Foundation and are co-headed by PR specialist web or a physical presence.
Since the visit of Li Keqiang, the China New Zealand OBOR Foundation has promoted OBOR to closed-door audiences around the country. The government sent Peter Goodfellow, President of the New Zealand National Party and Yang Jian MP, who are also members of the New Zealand OBOR Foundation, to represent it at China’s Belt and Road Forum, held in Beijing in May 2017.
A score of pro-OBOR op eds and news items have appeared in the New Zealand media. The China New Zealand OBOR Foundation has established links with China’s National Development and Reform Commission (lead agency on OBOR and the PRC super ministry with a special focus on strategic resources), construction companies, private equity firms, and importantly, with Maori tribes (iwi), because iwi control a significant section of primary industry, fisheries, forestry and the telco market in New Zealand (Te Huarahi Tika Trust, a consortium of iwi, is majority shareholder in New Zealand’s third telco company, 2degrees). Maori also have rights to cultural knowledge of interest to China, such as the use of traditional herbs that can be turned into natural health products.
Chinese language reports have cited Labour MP Raymond Huo’s involvement to claim that both major political parties endorse New Zealand’s involvement in OBOR. The New Zealand Labour Party does not yet have an official policy on OBOR. If Labour were to win the 2017 election it may need to go into coalition with New Zealand First, an important minor party that has often held the balance of power in New Zealand. The leader of New Zealand First, Mr Winston Peters, is adamantly opposed to New Zealand participating in OBOR projects; which means that a Labour-New Zealand First coalition government would likely engage in a re-evaluation of current New Zealand government strategies on cooperating with OBOR.
Meanwhile, the Green Party, who have an agreement to partner with Labour, and also the other minor parties, have not commented publicly. All, however, are likely to have concerns about the extent of New Zealand involvement in the OBOR and the implications for economic independence, the control of strategic assets, and the extent of exposure to China’s massive public debt.
The September 23, 2017 election could, therefore, be a turning point for New Zealand-China relations— leading either to a continuation of the policies that are drawing New Zealand ever closer politically, economically, and also militarily to China, or else to some sort of a re-adjustment.