Table of Contents
On a recent Good Oil post of mine, on Restore Britain, a reader asked if it would even be possible to institute Restore’s policy of mass deportations? Another chimed in, questioning “how what’s ‘promised’ is going to be achieved”. These are fair questions, but they are also a bit like the legacy media in Australia sneering that One Nation ‘have no detailed economic policies’. In fact, they do: it’s just that the legacy media haven’t so much as bothered going to the One Nation website and finding them.
Similarly, the answers to the questions on Restore’s policies are all right there, in their voluminous document, Mass Deportations: Legitimacy, Legality, and Logistics.
As Rupert Lowe states in his foreword, “Restore Britain’s paper demonstrates in no uncertain terms that mass deportations are not only possible, but necessary for our nation’s survival.” This is not mere hyperbole: at its most basic, a nation-state is defined by its sovereignty. Sovereignty is the sole, supreme and indivisible law-making authority in a defined territory. If Britain’s parliament is no longer able to pass laws on the basis that they are superseded by an international law, then parliament is no longer the sole, supreme and indivisible law-making authority in Britain.
Britain is no longer a sovereign nation: it is the vassal of a global suzerain.
That’s just the beginning of how the current network of ‘international agreements’, activist judiciary and broken, century-old conventions, have corroded Britain’s sovereignty. The illegal immigration crisis is just the pointy end “of a much wider puzzle”.
With this in mind, Restore’s document sets out a comprehensive strategy “devoted to resolving it in full”.
Indeed, this is not a stand-alone set of policy proposals, but the first of many urgent measures to change the way we are governed. Without much more, we cannot hope to reclaim our status as a secure, sovereign, self-respecting nation. These mass deportation proposals, when enacted, would be the first, and perhaps the most important step, in our collective mission to Restore Britain.
Part I clears the legal minefield. Repeal or gut the domestic laws that tie the state’s hands: end any duty to house or support uncooperative asylum seekers, scrap the pointless immigration tribunals and non-detention accommodation centres and bin the Equality Act 2010 while they’re at it.
But the big one is the ‘international agreements’. Some, like the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, were written for a completely different time and they’ve aged like hot yoghurt in the sun. That aside, none of them were ever put to a vote of the people on whom they’re imposed. Nor were they ever even approved by parliamentary vote. They are, quite simply, the most blatantly un-democratic laws ever foisted on a nation. Because those governments signing up to, say, UNDRIP, know perfectly well that these ‘conventions’ would be rejected out of hand if they were ever put to the basic democratic standard of a vote.
So, Restore will withdraw the UK from the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and repeal every reference to it in British law. Asylum would be limited, as it is supposed to be, to genuine refugees arriving directly from a neighbouring safe country. Since every neighbour is safe, that effectively ends the current rort.
Then there’s big one: make Brexit mean it. Full withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights and repeal of the Human Rights Act 1998. Yes, there are Northern Ireland complications with the Belfast Agreement, but Restore has the fix: retain only the tiny sliver of ECHR case law that actually matters to the province’s history and keep it out of immigration matters entirely. Parliament stays sovereign.
In the event that any remaining laws continue to be abused to hinder such efforts, we have an ace up our sleeve: the Great Clarification Act. A groundbreaking Restore Britain proposal, our Great Clarification Act would reiterate parliament’s full power to defeat troublesome court decisions in real time by a simple majority.
This is another biggie: putting activist judges back in their silk-lined boxes. Stricter judicial review, removal of biased judges and restoring the lord chancellor’s proper role in appointments round out the judicial reforms.
Part II is the logistics: a two-pronged assault of voluntary returns and enforced removals.
We call for a “hostile environment” to encourage self-deportations, combined with somewhere in the region of 150,000 to 200,000 forced deportations per year. Assuming a conservative ratio of three voluntary exits for every forced exit, together with a similarly conservative annual average of 150,000 forced deportations, it would take exactly three years to deport all of the roughly 1.8 million illegals we believe to be living in our midst. Our preferred realistic estimate, developed towards the end of Section VIII, puts the full length of mass deportations at an even more encouraging two years and five months.
The “hostile environment” is backed with teeth. E-visas become the only proof of legal residency. Right to Work and Right to Rent checks become mandatory and merciless, with jail time and asset seizure for non-compliant employers and landlords. NHS access for non-emergencies? Upfront charges and proof of status. Banks get biometric checks and accounts without valid status get closed. A remittance tax hammers countries that refuse to take their own citizens back.
Detention capacity explodes: former RAF bases, private operators, thousands of new enforcement staff drawn from veterans and police. Data-sharing across councils, NHS, employers and banks becomes compulsory. A public tip-off portal with rewards for whistleblowers. Charter flights, commercial seats and military transport run the removals.
Crucially, we demand the retrospective revocation of anyone recently rewarded with asylum for illegal entry. Again to influence uncooperative countries, we advocate sanctions like visa bans, aid cuts, and tariffs, plus a NATO-like coalition of Western nations doing likewise to compound the diplomatic pressure on places like India, Nigeria, and Pakistan. Third-country processing deals, along the lines of past models, should be secured to ease coordination problems and boost capacity.
So, there it is: Restore is not all bluster. It has drawn up a detailed, workable blueprint for the first, most urgent, step in restoring a sovereign, self-respecting Britain. The legacy media can keep sneering that it’s ‘impossible’. Restore Britain just showed them the receipts. No doubt some libertarian types will be offended by some of the measures: big whoops. This is a genuine, existential crisis.
If our parents and grandparents could put up with rationing and other ‘restrictions on their civil liberties’ in the face of the existential crisis of WWII, what right have we to weep and wail if a tidal wave of invaders who openly hate us have their precious ‘human rights’ ‘abused’?
