The ‘Māorification’ of New Zealand is not by accident. For decades tribal leaders have been plotting and scheming how to get their hands on the levers of power. Their objective is full control of our country.
It is now obvious that they are a long way down the path to achieving their goal. If there’s no counter-movement, they will succeed.
We don’t need to guess what the consequences would be if the radicalised get their way: South Africa and Zimbabwe come to mind, although in those countries it was the majority that sought to overthrow minority rule.
In New Zealand it’s a minority of subversives who are attempting to seize control from a complacent public – assisted by successive governments: Jim Bolger and John Key made the radicals stronger by appeasing their demands, while Helen Clark and Jacinda Ardern pro-actively progressed their cause.
While the concept of a radical minority of activists engineering a transfer of state authority to private tribal corporations may seem preposterous, it’s important to recognise this constitutional insurgence did not happen overnight.
The ideological groundwork was laid in the seventies. Radical activists Donna Awatere Huata, now Māori climate commissioner and a former member of parliament, and Ripeka Evans – currently deputy chairman of TVNZ – played a pivotal role. Travelling to Cuba to collaborate with Palestine Liberation Front extremists, they developed a revolutionary plan to transform New Zealand into a Māori Nation State.
Their fundamental objective was to secure control of New Zealand land: “Māori sovereignty is the Māori ability to determine our own destiny… New Zealand is Māori land. The aim is to reclaim all land. This country belongs to Māori.”
Now, 50 years later, the modern-day manifestation of this revolutionary movement is the Māori Party in parliament. Their website confirms a key policy is the return of land: private land, as well as government-owned land including the Conservation Estate, along with council land and the country’s entire foreshore and seabed.
They plan to secure power through a new constitution based on the Treaty of Waitangi. They want all Waitangi Tribunal recommendations to be made binding, the country to be called Aotearoa, with all ‘official’ names of places and agencies in Māori, control of education and health, corrections and the police – in other words, they want to turn New Zealand into a Māori Nation State.
To achieve their goal, they have replaced their real history of tribal warfare, slavery and cannibalism with a narrative of victimhood and grievance in order to drive a radical campaign of disinformation against the coalition government. Calling for mass rebellion, tensions are now so high that Māori Party insurgence has become a real threat to social order.
It’s important to remember that the Māori Party is only in parliament because they have guaranteed Māori seats. The question that needs to now be asked is why those seats are tolerated, given they have become a power base for dangerous extremists who wish to destroy our democracy.
The Māori seats are a privilege the Māori Party does not deserve.
Introduced in the early years of our new parliament to ensure Māori had the right to vote, the Māori seats should have been abolished in 1893 when New Zealand adopted universal suffrage and all adults gained the right to vote.
A public mandate on their future is long overdue. New Zealanders deserve the right to decide whether the Māori seats in parliament should stay or go – just as the coalition has given voters the right to accept or reject Māori seats in local government.
In fact, with a referendum on a four-year term of parliament likely to be held at the next election, the coalition should deliver a Constitutional Trifecta: an opportunity for voters to not only decide whether to give politicians an extra year in power, but also whether the Māori seats should be retained or removed and whether the voting age should be lowered to 16.
A NO vote on the introduction of a four-year term, NO to the retention of the Māori seats, and NO to reducing the voting age to 16 would ensure that when the toxic trio of Labour, the Greens and the Māori Party gain power, their destructive influence would last only three years, not four; that the anarchists seeking to destroy democracy would no longer get a free pass into parliament; and that the idea of using impressionable 16-year olds to secure electoral advantage would be rejected by New Zealand voters once and for all.
Back when Donna Awatere outlined her vision for Māori sovereignty, she dismissed public opposition as an obstacle: “The strength of white opposition will be allayed by the fact that Māori sovereignty will not be taken seriously. Absolute conviction in the superiority of white culture will not allow most white people to even consider the possibility.”
Those words have proved prophetic – but not quite in the way envisaged.
The key reason New Zealanders have not resisted the tribal takeover is that activists pursued an incremental approach to avoid triggering public alarm. With operatives embedded deep within the machinery of the state decades ago in a classic Marxist ‘march through the institutions’, many changes were engineered from within.
This week’s NZCPR guest commentator Dr Roger Oppenshaw, Emeritus Professor of Education at Massey University, has provided two papers investigating such a change. In his research paper, “Separate but Equal?” – see HERE – he uses Archive New Zealand records to trace how the Māori elite elevated ‘Mātauranga Māori’ onto an equal footing with ‘Western science’, and his commentary “Education and Identity Politics” (HERE) discusses the implications:
The role of the Māori elite in promoting Māori science has been crucial to the subject’s success. In this case a relatively small, carefully selected grouping of those deemed to be ‘in the know’ came to define what Māori science was to be about and what it should include.
During the first half of the 1990s, this neo-tribal elite was able to gain official recognition for Māori Science as a key part of Mātauranga Māori (literally Māori ways of knowing). Mātauranga Māori is in fact, derived from a worldwide ideology known as culturalism, which has it that all cultures have legitimate and equal claims. For Māori science advocates this meant they could claim equal partnership under the Treaty with what advocates disparagingly labelled ‘Western’ science.
Professor Openshaw explains that these changes led to ‘science’ being progressively devalued by many educators as a symbol of oppression and colonisation. With such radical indoctrination being taught in our schools, it is little wonder that student achievement in science has been falling!
In 2017, when Jacinda Ardern became prime minister and Labour won all of the Māori seats, the incremental approach to institutional capture was replaced by a coordinated strategy spearheaded by a new government agency working in collaboration with tribal leaders.
The Office of Māori-Crown Relations reshaped the state sector from within, embedding a radical Treaty indoctrination framework across government – and when Labour won a majority in 2020, the floodgates were opened.
At that stage, confident of success and buoyed by media support – thanks to a $55 million Public Interest Journalism Fund that linked payouts to the promotion of the Māori sovereignty agenda – Labour revealed He Puapua, their secret blueprint to replace democracy with tribal rule, and the race to the finish-line began in earnest.
Fortunately, not all journalists were captured. Thanks to Newstalk ZB’s Barry Soper, the revelation that the tribal takeover of health through the Māori Health Authority was resulting in Māori patients being prioritised ahead of those in greater clinical need sparked such a severe public backlash that not only was clinical urgency restored as a cornerstone of our health system, but the authority itself was dismantled.
However, most of the framework that embedded Treaty rights and the noose of cultural competency within the state sector during Labour’s time in office is still there.
Breaking free is not easy – as can be seen from reports opposing the Inland Revenue Department’s disestablishment of its Māori research and evaluation team and Pharmac’s termination of their specialist Māori and anti-racism advisors.
Since virtually every government agency was targeted by He Puapua activists – including independent organisations such as the Reserve Bank and the Auditor General – it is surely time for a co-ordinated purge. If the Labour-appointed radicals within the state sector are not outed, government agencies will continue their journey towards a Māori Nation State, thwarting coalition attempts at reform.
This can be seen in the actions of the Local Government Commission – an independent Crown Entity of three members initially appointed by former Local Government Minister Nanaia Mahuta. Tasked by that minister with developing a universal code of conduct for elected members of local authorities, their draft code includes a Treaty clause aligned with Labour’s He Puapua agenda. This comes in spite of a recent High Court ruling confirming that local authorities are not Treaty partners and that councillors therefore hold no Treaty obligations. [...]
The reality is that someone would need to be blind and deaf these days not to recognise the tribal takeover. Whether at sporting events, cultural functions, workplaces, or even watching TV at home, the Māori Sovereignty agenda now dominates.
It’s not just government agencies, the media, and, increasingly, the judiciary that have been captured, but a multitude of private sector organisations too – including New Zealand Opera!
Since attempts to push back against such developments will often result in strong opposition and accusations of racism, almost everyone backs off.
What this unfortunately means, is that all it takes to capture an organisation is for one determined activist to join their ranks and demand the inclusion of Treaty rights. While most others may be opposed, all too often they acquiesce in order to avoid a confrontation.
To their credit, coalition partners have been pushing back against such intimidation in their drive to rein in Māori sovereignty activism.
While David Seymour, Winston Peters and Shane Jones have taken the lead, National’s Chris Bishop appears to be joining their ranks – if a recent speech in parliament where he took aim at the Māori Party, is anything to go by:
Then we have Te Pāti Māori. Now, where to start on these clowns? Tākuta Ferris posted this on Instagram – ‘Indians, Asians, Black and Pākehā campaigning to take a Māori seat from Māori’. It doesn’t get much more racist than that. I’m prepared to call it racist. Thousands of New Zealanders think it’s racist – actually, most people think it’s racist … and we’ve got to make sure that these clowns in Te Pāti Māori and their bench mates in the Green Party – who seem to stand up for all of it – are never allowed anywhere near the Treasury benches, or they will drive this country into ruin.
Is this the beginning of the real push back by the coalition that New Zealanders have been hoping for? Or is National only now realising the race issue is one they can no longer avoid.
Over the years, with pro-active support from Labour, the tribal sovereignty movement has embedded the framework for a separatist nation-state deep within government institutions. This constitutional transformation was never approved by the public – yet it continues to shape policy, funding, and governance.
If democracy in New Zealand is to endure, these race-based structures must be dismantled by the coalition. For far too long, the push toward tribal supremacy has been downplayed or ignored – yet its influence over public institutions is growing stronger. It’s time to draw the line and take our country back.
This article was originally published by the New Zealand Centre for Political Research.
