EKO
Artist and bookmaker
Lisa Monaco understood something fundamental about power.
It’s not about what you know, but what you can make disappear.
As deputy Attorney General from 2021 to 2025, she commanded the entire Justice Department machinery. Before that, she ran the National Security Division, overseeing FISA warrants and intelligence operations. Before that, she was Chief of Staff to FBI Director Mueller. Her career reads like a manual for institutional control. Each position granting deeper access to the architecture of American surveillance and secrets.
Her security clearance was revoked in March.
Investigators are now examining her role in everything from the Assange prosecution to the suppression of (real) Epstein evidence. But to understand Monaco’s true significance, you need to see her not as an individual, but as an architect. Someone who built the bridges between surveillance and suppression, between pandemic control and population management, between WestExec’s promises and their execution.
She didn’t just work for the system.
She was the system.
The First Contact
In 2007, a CIA operative received unusual assistance arranging travel for a State Department operation. Lisa Monaco, then Chief of Staff to FBI Director Mueller, personally coordinated the logistics. The FBI wasn’t listed on the job brief. Mueller’s office had no official role. Yet Monaco handled everything personally.
The individual would later testify:
I found it odd that FBI Director Mueller’s office was involved in my transportation when the FBI was not listed as a customer. She presented her assistance as casual, almost friendly. Looking back, I believe Mueller’s involvement served a different purpose.
This was Monaco’s signature.
Making things happen outside official channels, creating plausible distance between operations and oversight. She wasn’t helping. She was handling. Managing layers of operational opacity that kept even the operators from understanding their own missions.
The operative noted something else:
The FBI repeatedly referred to me as a TAC employee, despite my correcting them on multiple occasions. Each time, Monaco dismissed the clarification. At the time, I took it as bureaucratic confusion. Now I see it differently – intentional mislabeling to obscure the nature of the work.
Building the FISA Machine
Between 2011 and 2013, as Assistant Attorney General for National Security, Monaco didn’t just oversee FISA applications. She revolutionized them.
She didn’t sign the Carter Page warrant. That came after her tenure. But she built the framework that made it possible. Under her leadership, the DOJ reinterpreted foreign intelligence standards, lowered evidentiary thresholds, and created the legal architecture for surveillance that could be weaponized for any purpose.
When she returned as Deputy Attorney General in 2021, the FISA system was in crisis. The Carter Page abuse had been exposed. Congress demanded reform. Monaco’s response was masterful.
She “strengthened compliance” while actually expanding surveillance capabilities. She integrated reform into enforcement, making the system harder to challenge while extending its reach.
A federal court would later rule that the FBI’s warrantless “backdoor” searches of Americans, conducted under Monaco’s oversight, violated the Fourth Amendment. But by then, thousands of Americans had been surveilled, their data collected, their privacy eliminated.
Monaco’s innovation wasn’t using FISA.
It was normalizing its abuse.
The Journalism-as-Espionage Doctrine
The legal theory that journalism could be prosecuted as espionage didn’t emerge from nowhere. Monaco perfected it.
Between 2009 and 2013, as WikiLeaks published diplomatic cables and war logs, Monaco’s National Security Division crafted something unprecedented: a framework for treating publication itself as a criminal act.
Not theft. Not hacking. Publication.
She didn’t personally indict Julian Assange. That came later. But she operationalized the legal architecture that made journalism prosecutable if it embarrassed the state.
When she returned as Deputy Attorney General, she had the authority to drop the Assange case. Instead, she pursued extradition with new vigor, defending the precedent she’d helped create.
That publishing truth could be treason if power demanded it.
The doctrine wasn’t about Assange. It was about every journalist who might follow. Monaco had criminalized journalism itself.
The Pandemic Playbook
Monaco’s expertise wasn’t just surveillance. It was crisis exploitation.
In 2014, she managed the Ebola response alongside Ron Klain. What seemed like public health coordination was actually something else: a rehearsal.
They created frameworks for movement restriction, mandatory medical interventions, and the suspension of normal legal processes during “health emergencies.”
When Covid arrived, Monaco and Klain – now White House Chief of Staff – didn’t need to improvise. They had a playbook. Monaco’s DOJ enforced vaccine mandates, prosecuted dissent as “disinformation,” and created legal frameworks for digital health passports.
What they’d tested with Ebola, they perfected with Covid.
But Monaco’s masterstroke was operationalizing private enforcement.
Instead of government directly mandating compliance, she created legal frameworks that incentivized corporations to enforce government policy. Private companies became arms of the state, implementing surveillance and control that government couldn’t constitutionally impose.
You lost your job for refusing a vaccine?
That wasn’t government. That was your employer.
All following Monaco’s framework.
The Epstein Operation
This is where Monaco’s story turns darkest.
As Deputy Attorney General, she controlled all DOJ investigations, including those into Jeffrey Epstein’s network. She determined what was investigated, what was sealed, what was released.
And perhaps most importantly, what disappeared.
Monaco understood the classification system intimately. She knew how to route documents through secure compartments where they’d become inaccessible. She could invoke “national security” or “foreign intelligence relevance” to shield evidence from FOIA requests, congressional oversight, even criminal discovery.
According to insider testimony:
If Epstein-related documents were destroyed or hidden, Monaco wouldn’t need to leave fingerprints. She’d only need to classify them correctly, route them through the right compartments, mark them with the right restrictions. Once inside the SCIF, they might as well not exist.
FBI Director Christopher Wray reportedly documented concerns about the handling of Epstein evidence in his meticulous notes. Those notes remain classified. Monaco would have seen them. She would have controlled their classification status. She would have determined who could access them.
The question isn’t whether Monaco made evidence disappear.
It’s how much disappeared, and whose names remain protected.
The Chicago School
Monaco was introduced to officials as a University of Chicago Law alumna and “close personal friend” of Barack Obama. This wasn’t just biography, it was ideology.
The Chicago School taught that law was a tool for social engineering. That rights were relative, not absolute. That power was self-justifying if properly exercised. Monaco didn’t just learn these theories – she embodied them.
She saw law not as a constraint on power but as power’s instrument.
Constitutional rights weren’t sacred principles but variables to be balanced against state interests. Privacy wasn’t inherent but negotiable. Truth wasn’t objective but constructed.
This worldview made her perfect for WestExec’s purposes.
She could build legal frameworks for anything – surveillance, suppression, mandatory medical interventions – because she believed law was infinitely flexible if you knew how to bend it.
The Method
Monaco’s genius was procedural.
She didn’t break laws. She rewrote them.
She didn’t destroy evidence. She reclassified it.
She didn’t silence journalists. She criminalized journalism.
Every expansion of power was wrapped in legal language. Every suppression was justified by national security. Every violation was retroactively authorized. She made the illegal legal, the unethical ethical, the unthinkable inevitable.
A former DOJ attorney described her method:
Lisa never said ‘make this go away.’ She’d say ‘ensure this is properly classified’ or ‘route this through appropriate channels.’ By the time you figured out what she really meant, the documents were already gone, sealed in some compartment you’d never access.
The Network
Monaco didn’t operate alone.
She was part of an interlocking directorate:
John Brennan.
Her predecessor as Homeland Security Advisor, who taught her the framework (officially joined WestExec in 2022).
Ron Klain.
Her Ebola partner (in crime) who became Biden's Chief of Staff.
Antony Blinken.
WestExec co-founder who became Secretary of State.
Avril Haines.
WestExec principal who became Director of National Intelligence.
Together, they formed a seamless system.
WestExec sold the policies. The INR manufactured the intelligence. Monaco provided the legal architecture and enforcement. Each piece reinforced the others, creating a self-sustaining loop of power and profit.
When Monaco’s DOJ defended vaccine mandates, it was implementing policy WestExec had discussed with pharmaceutical clients years earlier. When she expanded FISA surveillance, she was fulfilling promises made to tech companies about data sharing. When she suppressed evidence, she was protecting networks that included WestExec clients and partners.
The Reckoning
Today, Monaco faces the consequences of her architecture.
Her security clearance is revoked. Criminal investigations are examining her role in FISA abuse, the Assange prosecution, and the Epstein cover-up. The legal frameworks she built are being dismantled.
But the real reckoning isn’t legal. It’s existential.
Monaco represents something fundamental about American power: the belief that a small group of connected insiders can reshape society through procedural manipulation, that democracy is a problem to be managed rather than a principle to be served.
She was the perfect servant of the WestExec system. Brilliant, connected, and absolutely convinced that her subversion of democracy was democracy’s salvation. She couldn’t conceive of intelligence that didn’t serve power because she couldn’t conceive of power that didn’t serve itself.
The Lesson
Lisa Monaco proves that with the right credentials and connections, you can turn the Justice Department into a private enforcement agency, the FISA court into a political weapon, and the classification system into a memory hole.
All legally.
All procedurally correct.
All completely antithetical to democracy.
The question isn’t whether Monaco will face justice. That process has begun.
The question is whether Americans will recognize that she was just the most effective practitioner of a system that treats law as a tool for power rather than a check upon it.
WestExec needed someone like Monaco to make their promises real. Monaco needed something like WestExec to make her power profitable. Together, they turned American governance into a product and justice into a service.
Clearances revoked. Investigations continue. But until Americans understand how Lisa Monaco connected surveillance to suppression, corporate power to government force, and legal procedure to political control, they haven’t learned the real lesson of West Exec:
The greatest threat to our republic isn’t breaking the law. It’s using the law to break the republic itself.
Here concludes the WestExec Papers. But the people’s investigation is just beginning. The names are now in your hands: Brennan, Haines, Flournoy, Sullivan, et al. Mechanisms exposed. Evidence there for those willing to look.
They counted on you being a spectator. Prove them wrong. Understanding how they captured America was step one. Taking it back for good is the real mission.
Read Part I | West Exec: The Shadow Presidency
Read Part II | West Exec: The Intelligence Factory
This article was originally published by EKO Loves You.
