As I wrote yesterday, the individual horror stories from the Rape Gang Inquiry Report are only exceeded by the sheer scale of the criminal depravity wreaked upon at least a quarter of a million white British girls over nearly seven decades. All with the active collusion of nearly every tier of British authority, from No 10 down, through local councils, police, the NHS, social workers, the media and more.
Laying wide open the single greatest crime inflicted on the British people in a thousand years, though, is just the start. Getting the legacy media and the British establishment to even acknowledge it is a next step. But the really big question is: What are they going to do about it?
As it happens, the Rape Gang Inquiry Report presents its recommended responses in great detail. I’ll summarise them.
The first step to fixing any problem is acknowledging it. The British political establishment and legacy media are already being lambasted for its conspiracy of silence since the report was released. The Royal Family are also being held to task for their stony silence on a horrendous crime committed against hundreds of thousands of their most vulnerable subjects. Indeed when, with the most appalling tone-deafness, the Royals posted on X about the importance of “listening, learning and lending [their] voice” to survivors of rape in overseas conflict, the responses were swift and brutal.
As the report writes, the reason the horror was (and still is) allowed to go on as it did is because the post-war liberal consensus, accelerated under Tony Blair, elevated diversity, inclusion and non-judgementalism above traditional British norms of free speech, child protection and equal application of the law. Multiculturalism supplanted national self-confidence. Elites in media, politics and the public sector treated any acknowledgement of cultural or religious factors in crime as bigotry. This mindset actively shielded perpetrators by discouraging investigation and intervention. Institutions recorded evidence of harm and often destroyed or ignored it. The state knew the patterns yet chose political convenience.
The result was not accidental but the predictable outcome of placing sensitivity above justice.
It’s not that the law was helpless, either. The law simply refused to act. The Sexual Offences Act 2003 criminalised rape, grooming, trafficking and exploitation, yet all those crimes went on, not only with the full knowledge of the state and civil society but with its collusion and even at times active participation. Sentencing was often inadequate for the scale of offending. Civil and human rights obligations under the European Convention were invoked in ways that prioritised perpetrators and their communities over victim protection. The law was deliberately blind to ethnic and religious patterns.
So, the entire machinery of state was and is complicit, and the existing laws were inadequate and contradictory, even where they were applied. What must be done about it all?
Criminal justice reforms should begin with placing victims at the centre
They must have statutory rights to information, attendance at hearings, and weighted victim personal statements. Independent Sexual Violence Advisers should be nationally funded and assigned immediately. Sentencing guidelines must be overhauled by statute: group-based child sexual abuse (CSE) should carry a starting point of life imprisonment, with minimum tariffs of 50 years for ringleaders and 25 years for participants. Racial or religious motivation, multiple victims, cross-county trafficking, pregnancy from rape and use of filming or blackmail must be statutory aggravating factors. Concurrent sentencing should be prohibited and cumulative sentencing the default. The report notes calls, including from Rupert Lowe MP, for a referendum on restoring the death penalty for the most heinous cases.
Immigration and deportation measures must be uncompromising
Every foreign national convicted must be deported. Dual nationals convicted must automatically lose British citizenship, with retrospective application. The Home Office must publish annual deportation figures by nationality and offence. Families who supported, harboured or failed to report offending should face deportation proceedings unless they prove active cooperation or genuine ignorance. Mosques, madrassas and community organisations that harboured perpetrators or promoted dehumanising attitudes toward non-Muslim girls should be investigated and closed where guilty. Visa bans should apply to nationals of countries disproportionately represented in convictions.
Of course the globalist-legal-industrial complex will screech about ‘human rights’, selectively prioritising the human rights of rapists and foreign invaders above young British girls. The blunt response from Britain must be: We don’t care. Remind the globalists that parliament is still sovereign and exactly what that means in practice. If parliament votes to deport and denaturalise people, then that is parliament’s sovereign right. When ‘human rights’ activists cry that ‘you can’t make people stateless’, Britain must respond: Just watch us. Cries about ‘collective punishment’, when it comes to deporting entire families or communities who were and are complicit, should also be ignored.
Young British girls must come first and that selective border control attentive to sending-country patterns is essential for the long-term cohesion of Western societies.
New legislation
A single Childhood Sexual Exploitation Act should create a specific offence of “organised group-based child sexual exploitation”, with mandatory minimum sentences and aggravating factors for racial or religious motivation. It must reverse any presumption that a child can consent in a grooming context and prohibit treating previous behaviour, clothing, intoxication or ‘lifestyle choices’ as mitigation. A statutory duty must require all public authorities to record and publish ethnicity, immigration status, nationality and religion of victims and perpetrators. Failure by officials to act due to fear of ‘community tensions’ or ‘racism’ allegations must be criminalised.
One of the most grotesque enormities committed by police, prosecutors and social workers, was to accuse child victims of being perpetrators. Girls were accused of being ‘recruiters’, completely ignoring the sometimes lethal coercion by the Muslim gang rapists. Some girls, criminalised rather than helped, still have convictions hanging over their heads. Crimes committed by child victims of grooming at the behest of their abusers lack the mens rea (guilty mind) to count as criminal in the conventional sense. The Act must expunge the criminal records of any child or young person convicted of crimes (including prostitution, drug possession, or public order offences) that occurred while and because they were forced to do so. The Childhood Sexual Exploitation Act should incorporate “Sammy’s Law” to expunge criminal records of victims coerced into offences such as prostitution or drug possession.
Proven rapists forfeit their parental rights. The Act should make it unambiguous that rapists, upon conviction, automatically lose their parental rights over any children born of such rape.
The act must prohibit sharia marriages. Too often, these have served as a pretext for abusers to exercise greater coercive control over their victims. This is because Sharia courts effectively operate as a parallel judicial system, recognised in British law but not of British law. This enables them to govern the life of Muslim communities and, by extension, the life of any victims groomed by such communities, in ways counter to our long-established norms and customs.
Similar to the above points about ‘human rights’, Britain must review or repeal the Human Rights Act 1998 where it obstructs investigations, prosecutions, or deportations in serious sexual offending cases. The Equality Act 2010 should not apply in criminal justice or safeguarding contexts in ways that deter risk identification. Preventative powers should expand: wider use of Sexual Risk Orders, enhanced monitoring of high-risk offenders (including online), and mandatory reporting duties for schools, social services, healthcare and other institutions, with criminal consequences for serious failures.
Safeguarding and family policy
A pattern very quickly emerges from the survivor testimonies: the Muslim men deliberately targeted and groomed vulnerable girls, often already in the ‘care’ (laughingly so-called) of the state. Police also punished those families who tried to save their daughters from the Muslim rape gangs. Support should prioritise keeping children with protective parents, with statutory rights for parents to information and challenge. Residential care should be a last resort. Specialist training on grooming dynamics, coercive control and ethnic patterns must be made mandatory and annual for all frontline professionals: police, social workers, teachers, GPs, nurses and taxi licensing officers. Cross-agency training and information-sharing protocols are essential. A national public awareness campaign should inform parents and communities of signs and reporting routes.
Healthcare reforms
As the testimonies show, many girls ended up in emergency rooms and clinics with obvious signs of criminal abuse perpetrated on them. That NHS doctors and nurses could treat underage girls for sexual injuries (including shards of glass in one girl’s vagina), multiple sexually transmitted infections and even pregnancy, and say nothing to authorities is absolutely damning. All of those are undeniable evidence of a crime: the sexual abuse of a minor. Even if police and medical staff genuinely thought (as they claimed) that the girls were ‘child prostitutes’: child prostitution is a crime! They literally admit they were aware of egregious crimes, and did nothing.
So the NHS must be forced to admit a statutory duty of care to survivors. Automatic safeguarding referrals must trigger for children presenting with STIs, genital injuries, pregnancies or repeated self-harm linked to exploitation. Discharge to known risk environments without multi-agency plans must be prohibited. Trauma-informed care, including Compassion Focused Therapy targeting shame and self-blame, should be commissioned nationally. Specialist NHS CSE Units should combine forensic, safeguarding, mental health and long-term support services. Pregnancies and abortions linked to suspected rape in minors must be treated as safeguarding and potentially criminal matters. Children born through organised rape should be recognised as a vulnerable category with dedicated research and support.
Compensation and accountability
Even without the above (the NHS, for instance, has dragged its heels for years on implementing mandatory reporting of suspected CSE), those who knew and did nothing, actively colluded or, at absolute worst, participated, must be punished. With, as the saying goes, extreme prejudice. Those responsible by means of neglect must not be allowed to slither away to elsewhere in the system. This is the sort of activity the churches have rightly been excoriated for.
So, first priority should be to name and shame perpetrators: Rupert Lowe calls to name within parliament those found to have enabled the rape gangs.
Prosecutions must follow. Private prosecutions and civil litigation are encouraged as routes to justice where the state has failed. Victims can pursue assault, battery, false imprisonment, intentional infliction of emotional distress and Human Rights Act claims (particularly Article 3). Misfeasance in public office and negligence claims against authorities are viable.
An overseas taskforce within the FCDO, working with the Home Office and National Crime Agency, should also locate, safeguard and repatriate those British victims trafficked abroad, especially to Pakistan.
Finally, a national scheme to compensate survivors should be initiated. It should be funded by levies on convicted perpetrators’ assets and the pensions of public servants dismissed or found negligent. The existing Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority is clearly unfit.
These, ultimately, should form just the start of repairing a broken Britain.
